김정은이가 또 경거망동한 짖으로, 윤석열 대통령 취임 앞두고 핵무기 실험하겠다고 위협했다. 그렇지만, 지난 5년간 간첩문재인을 쥐락펴락하면서, 가지고 놀았던대로, 그공갈을 윤석열대통령에게는 절대로 통하지 않을 것이지만, 대신에 필요시 선제타격으로 김돼지의 콧대를 꺽던가, 아니면 그의 목을 부러 뜨리는 최악의 상황에 직면하게 될것은 확실한것 같다. 그러나 먼저 Heckling을 하지 않으면, 그런데로 김돼지는 '위원장'직위를 유지는 하게 될것이다.
윤석열 당선인의 취임식에, 중국정가의 제2인자로 시진핑의 신뢰를 받고 있는, '왕치산', 부주석이 참석한다고 발표했는데, 지금까지 중국측에서 대통령 취임식에 이번처럼 고위직이 참석하는것은 처음이라고 한다. 바꾸어 설명하면, 중국은 북괴 김정은의 망나니짖은 더이상은, 엉석으로 받아들이지 않겠다는 해석으로 본다. 그것보다는 우리 대한민국과 더 긴밀히 협조하여, 경제적으로, 외교적으로 실리를 취하겠다는 취지로 이해된다.
윤석열 대통령은 그가 선거운동당시에 북의 김돼지를 향해서, 필요시 그에게 적절한 교육을 시킬것임을 강력히 나타냈었으며 미사일실험 으로 자극하는 경거망동한 행동은 미국과 한팀이 되여 강하게 대응조치를 취하겠다고 천명했었다.
5년 단임의 대통령직을 화요일 시작하는, 보주주의자 윤석열은, 지금 핵무기를 사용하겠다고 위협하면서, 4년만에 처음으로 필요시 남한에 핵무기를 발사하기위한 노력의 일환으로, 핵실험을 하겠다고 위협하고 있는 김돼지와 직면하게됐다.
북한전문가들의 설명에 따르면, 윤석열 당선인은 유세중에 북괴의 도발에 강하게 대처하겠다는 발언을 많이 했었는데, 퇴임하는 문재인이가 김돼지와 대담을 요구해 왔던 방법과는 다르게 현실적으로는 김돼지가 협상자체를 거부하고 있고, "북한은 남북관계에서 이니시어티브를 쥐고 있음을 무시할수는 없다. 북의 김정은이는, 남북간의 힘의 균형을 이루기전에, 남한정부의 대통령이 보수주의자이든, 진보주의자이든지에 상관없이, 자체무기 개발 계획에 따른 미사일 시험발사를 계속하는 멍청한 짖을 계속 할것이다. 북괴는 지금까지 해왔던것 처럼 남한에 협박성 미사일 시험발사를 계속하지만, 남한으로서는 이를 막을 비책을 없다"라고 이화여대 교수 '박원곤'은 설명한다. 여기서 '말안듣는자에게는 몽둥이가 약이다'라는 명언을 곱씹어 볼 필요가 있다.
윤석열 대통령은 미국이 필요시 군사력을 언급하면서, 또한 필요시 동맹국에 대한 공격을 분쇄하기위해 핵무기를 사용할수도 있다는, 동맹국 미국을 지칭하면서, 북괴의 남한에 대한 공격을 효과적으로 방어해 줄수있는 안보이행을 효과적으로 하게될지의 여부에 대해 전문가들은 의문을 품고 있다. 왜냐면 남한을 보호하기위해, 핵무기를 사용할수있는 권한은 현직 미국대통령의 결정에 따르기 때문이다라는 설명이다.
"역사를 통해서 볼때, 그러한 북괴의 망동을 저지시키기위해 필요한 추가조치를 취한적은 없었다는게 정설이다. 어느면에서는 신사협정 정도일 뿐이다. 비록 최고의 방어수준을 준수한다해도, 한반도에서 전쟁이 발생할 경우 자동적으로 미군의 개입이 보장된다는 뜻은 아니라는 점이다. "라고 설명이다.
북괴의 핵무기위협을 효과적으로 막아내기위해 한미간의 동맹관계를 어떻게 강화해야 할것인가에 대한 문제가, 5월 21일 윤석열과 바이든이 서울에서 정상회담을 할때 '톱어젠다'가 될 확율이 크다고 하겠다.
내생각으로는 한미관계에 대해, 소위 전문가라는 사람이 한다는 소리가 미국은 북괴가 핵무기를 사용할것이 두려워, 한반도에서 전쟁이 발발하면 남한을 보호하기위한 미군의 전쟁개입은 자동적으로 하게 되여 있는 동맹관계에 의심을 품고 있다는 식으로 발언한것인데, 한미 동맹관계를 믿지 않는다는 뜻으로 이해된다. 이런 발언은 매우 위험한 발상이며, 오히려 북괴를 자극하는 결과를 만들게 되지 않을까?라는 또다른 걱정을 국민들 마음에 심어준 결과라고 본다.
이런 엉터리 전문가들의 발언은 백해무익이고, 한미간의 혈맹관계를 무너뜨리려는, 좌빨 문재인정책을 옹호해온 사이비 전문가의 발언으로밖에 볼수 없다는 생각이다.
미지상군 30,000여명을 평택에 상주시키는 그이유를 몰라서 내뱉은 소리라고는 생각되지 않는다. 문재인과 미국간의 지난 5년간은, 동맹국으로서 최악의 길을 평행선으로 달려 왔었음을 국민들은 다 알고 있고, 김돼지가 이점을 최대로 악용하여, 북한주민들 먹여 살려야 하는 자원을, 탄도미사일, 핵탄두개발에 다 투자하게 만든 직접적인 원인 제공자는 바로 문재인이었었다. 그래서 많은 안보전문가들은, 문재인이 국민들 몰래 김돼지에 퍼준 국민세금과, 또 판문전회담시, 김돼지 손에 슬쩍 건네준 USB의 내용을 수사하여 국민들에게 다 밝혀야 한다고 성토하는 것이다.
한미간의 혈맹관계에 커다란 걸림돌이었던 문재인이가 퇴임하자마자 바로 한국으로 달려와 한미간 정상회담을 하게되는 계획을, 바이든 대통령이 발표한 것은, 실질적인 면도 중요하지만, 이제는 그러한 Hurdle을 제거했다는 표시로 윤석열이가 취임하자마자, 그것도 한국의 서울에서 정상회담을 개최하는, 그이미가 깊은 것이다. 이제는 한미간의 혈맹관계를 넘어, 한미일간에 동맹관계가 더 튼튼해져, 우리국민들은 밤잠을 좀더 맘놓고 잘수있게 됐다는 뜻이다. 지난 5년간은 너무도 지루하고 불안 했었다.
FILE - This photo distributed by the North Korean government shows what it says is a test-fire of a Hwasong-17 intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), at an undisclosed location in North Korea on March 24, 2022. Independent journalists were not given access to cover the event depicted in this image distributed by the North Korean government. The content of this image is as provided and cannot be independently verified. Korean language watermark on image as provided by source reads: "KCNA" which is the abbreviation for Korean Central News Agency. Yoon Suk Yeol takes office as South Korea's president Tuesday, May 10 amid heightened animosities over North Korea's nuclear program. (Korean Central News Agency/Korea News Service via AP, File)
Hyung-jin Kim And Kim Tong-hyung, The Associated Press
Published Saturday, May 7, 2022 10:15PM EDT
SEOUL, South Korea (AP) - During his election campaign, South Korean President-elect Yoon Suk Yeol had tough words for North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, saying he would teach his rival some manners and sternly deal with his provocative missile tests with a strengthened alliance with the United States.
But as he takes office Tuesday for a single five-year term, the conservative Yoon must now confront an increasingly belligerent Kim, who openly threatens to use atomic bombs and is reportedly preparing for his first nuclear test explosion in four years, part of an effort to build warheads that specifically target South Korea.
North Korea has a history of trying to rattle new governments in Seoul and Washington to gain leverage in future negotiations. But if Kim orders a nuclear test, Yoon would be left with very limited options to deal with Kim at the start of his presidency.
There's skepticism among experts over whether Yoon, despite his rhetoric, can accomplish something meaningfully different from outgoing President Moon Jae-in while North Korea continues to reject talks and focuses instead on expanding its nuclear and missile programs despite limited resources and economic difficulties.
“North Korea has the initiative. Regardless of whether conservatives or liberals are in power in South Korea, North Korea is pressing ahead with (missile tests) under its own weapons development timetable before it tries to tip the balance later,” said Park Won Gon, a professor at Seoul's Ewha Womans University. “North Korea will now continue its provocations, but there are no ways to stop it.”
Moon championed engaging North Korea and once shuttled between Pyongyang and Washington to arrange the now-stalled nuclear diplomacy. Even after North Korea urged Moon not to meddle in its dealings with Washington and insulted him, Moon still worked to improve relations and shied away from hitting back at the North.
Yoon has described Moon's appeasement policy as “subservient” and accused him of undermining South Korea's seven-decade military alliance with the United States. To neutralize North Korea's nuclear threats, Yoon said he would seek a stronger U.S. security commitment and enhance South Korea's own missile strike capabilities, though he remains open to dialogue with the North.
During a rally before the March 9 election, as Yoon slammed Moon for failing to strongly criticize Kim's repeated missile tests, Yoon said that if elected, “I would teach (Kim) some manners and make him come to his senses completely.”
Yoon has faced criticism that some of his policies are unrealistic and largely rehash past policies that failed to persuade North Korea to denuclearize.
For example, Yoon said he would push for economic cooperation projects linked to progress in denuclearization steps by the North. Two past South Korean conservative presidents offered similar proposals from 2008 to 2017, but North Korea rejected the overtures.
Yoon said he would seek to establish a trilateral dialogue channel among Seoul, Pyongyang and Washington, but experts see little chance North Korea, which destroyed an unoccupied South Korean-built liaison office on its territory in 2020, will accept that idea now.
“The U.S.-South Korea alliance could flourish, but North Korea's nuclear weapons and missile program will further advance and that could elevate tensions on the Korean Peninsula to maximum levels. It's hard to expect any meaningful progress in inter-Korean relations,” said Yang Moo Jin, a professor at Seoul's University of North Korean Studies.
Nam Sung-wook, a professor at Korea University in South Korea, said a policy of linking incentives to denuclearization “has reached its limits and will eventually never appeal to North Korea” because Pyongyang is highly unlikely to abandon a nuclear program that has reached such strength.
During his confirmation hearing, Yoon's nominee for foreign minister, Park Jin, told lawmakers that North Korea “appears to have no intentions of denuclearizing voluntarily.” He said the best option to stop North Korean provocation would be using a combination of pressure and dialogue to convince Pyongyang to opt for a path toward denuclearization.
After test-launching a dozen missiles potentially capable of reaching the U.S. mainland, South Korea or Japan this year, Kim recently said his nuclear weapons won't be confined to their primary mission of deterring war if his country's interests are threatened. Park, the professor, called Kim's comments “dangerous” because they suggest North Korea could use its nukes even in an accidental border clash or if it misjudges Seoul's military moves.
Recent satellite photos show North Korea is restoring a previously closed nuclear testing facility in possible preparation for its seventh atomic explosion. Experts say that test is related to North Korea's push to manufacture warheads small enough to be mounted on tactical short-range missiles targeting South Korea, citing some of the North's recent tests of such weapons. Nam said a nuclear test would make it extremely difficult for the Yoon government to try to resume talks with North Korea.
Kim seems to be trying to use his weapon tests to force the West to accept his country as a nuclear power so he can try to negotiate sanctions relief and security concessions from a position of strength. Experts say Kim is able to push forward his weapons programs because the U.N. Security Council cannot impose new sanctions while its veto-wielding members are divided. The U.S. is involved in confrontations with Russia over its invasion of Ukraine and with China over their strategic rivalry.
Yoon's possible overdependence on the U.S. alliance may cause Seoul to further lose voice in international efforts to defuse the North Korean nuclear issue while giving Pyongyang less reason to engage in serious talks with Seoul, said Lim Eul-chul, a professor at Kyungnam University's Institute for Far Eastern Studies in Seoul. He said Seoul would need to create wiggle room for nuclear diplomacy and lure Pyongyang to talks with a flexible carrots-and-sticks approach.
How to boost the South Korea-U.S. alliance to better deal with North Korean nuclear advancement will likely top the agenda when Yoon meets President Joe Biden in Seoul on May 21.
Yoon has promised to seek a tougher U.S. extended deterrence, a reference to Washington's ability to use military and nuclear forces to deter attacks on its allies. But some experts question whether such a security commitment can effectively protect South Korea from aggression from North Korea because the decision to use U.S. nuclear weapons lies with the U.S. president.
“Historically, it's true the extended deterrence has never been enforced. In some sense, it's like a gentlemen's agreement,” Park, the professor, said. “Even if we succeed in institutionalizing that to the maximum level, that still doesn't guarantee an automatic U.S. involvement” in the event of a war on the Korean Peninsula.
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