일본과 중국의 증강된 해군력들이 남지나해에서 기싸움에 총동원돼고 있는 양상이다.
일본의 항공모함 JS Izumo가 3개월동안 전례가 없는 항해를 하고있고, 아베 수상은 일본헌법을 수정하여, 해군력의 작전에 많은 제약을 두고있는 조항을 삭제하여 일본의 방어력을 증강 하려는 노력이 지금 거의 완성단계에 있다.
이러한 일본의 해군력이 남지나해를 통과하는것에 대해 중국은 무척 신경을 쓰고 있다.
중국은 일본의 항공모함은 실질적으로는 헬기항모가 아니라 필요시 수직 이착륙이 가능한 항공기들을 탑재할수 있는 능력이 있다는 것을 강조한다.
2016년도 6월에 일본의 구축함 Setogiri호가 중국해군 Jiankai급 호위함이 일본영토인 Senkakus 근교 해역을 순회하는 같은 시간에 러시아 함대들도 그곳을 통과하는 무력시위를 벌렸었다. 중국의 정보수집함이 Kuchinerabujima와 Yakushima 열도를 처음으로 침입하기도 했었다. 중국은 남지나해의 공해상에 인공섬까지 만들어 해군기지를 구축하여 인변 국가들을 공포에 떨게하고있는데.....
이렇게 한반도를 동서에서 감싸고 있는 일본과 중국의 틈바구니에 있는 한국은, 지금 좌파 정권이 들어서서 국가안보에는 손톱만큼도 신경쓰지 않고, 오직 그들이 추천한 총리와 장관후보들이 대한민국에서 둘째가라면 서러워 할 정도로 법을 어기고, 개인 이득을 위해 불법으로 모든 이권을 챙겨 주머니에 쓸어넣은 사람들이 이번에는 더크게 한탕 해먹겠다고 국회 청문회 통과를 위해 갖은 공갈과 협박으로 국민들을 대표한 국회의원들을 구렁텅이로 몰아넣고있다. 좌파의 골수, 문통을 뽑은 잘못을 땅을 치고 통곡한들,이미 배는 떠났다는것을 통감하고, 다음대책을 세워 추진해야, 그나마 대한민국이 수출해서 먹고살수 있을것으로 확신하다. 숨이 가빠진다. 어찌 나만이 이런 위기감을 느낄까? 아니다 60% 이상의 국민들은 똑같은 마음일것이다.
이런 꼬락서니를 보면서, 미국은 얼마나 망연자실할까? 한국을 보호해주기위해 THAAD를 설치해 주려고 골머리를 앓고 있는데, 문통은 추가로 4기의 발사대가 자기한테 보고도 없이 미국마음데로 들여 왔다고 한길을 뛰고 있으니, 이자가 과연 대한민국의 Commander-in- chief 맞나?할 정도로 의심이 간다.
남한의 힘으로만은 이북의 김정일집단이 거의 일주일에 한번씩 쏘아대는 대륙간 미사일과 핵공포를 막을수없기에 맹방 미국이 배치해 주었으면, 감사의 인사는 못할망정, 철저히 조사해서 대가를 치르게 하겠다고하니.... 결국 북의위협으로 부터 국가와 국민들을 지켜왔던, 박근혜 정권의 국방장관이하 군고위급들 물갈이를 해버리겠다는 꼼수로밖에 안보인다. 누가제일 좋아할까? 축하의 미사일발사 또 터트릴것이다.
지금 이시각 중국과 일본의 고위 각료가 4번째 만나서 동북아 지역의 군사적 균형을 위해 회담하고 있다는 뉴스다. 그속에 한국은 지정학적으로 꼭 만나서 협의를 해야할 당사자이나, 문통정부와 여의도 흡혈귀들은 이에는 코방귀도 뀌지 않고, 오직 서로 잡아 죽이기에만 혈안이 되여있는, 한심한 나라. 미국의 속앓이를 충분히 이해할것 같다. 보호해주겠다고 방어용 무기를 들여왔더니.... 당치도 않는 태클이나 걸어서, 국민들 불안하게 만들기나 하고....
이번 월요일, 중국측의 대표 Yang Jiechi와 일본정부의 안보보좌관 Shotaro Yachi씨가 양국간의 정치적 대화를 위한 원탁고위급 회담을 개최하고, 서로 번갈아 가면서 사회를 봤다고 한다. 당연히 한국대표도 있었어야 할회의 였는데, 한국에서는 깜깜 무소식이었단다.
더늦기전에 정신 차리고, 또 차려야 한다. 뉴스를 읽다가 너무도 아찔하여, 포기했다.
제발 문통을 포함한 청와대 좌파보좌진들과 여의도 흡혈귀들은 눈똑바로 뜨고 읽어보시길...
The pride of Japan's naval defence, the JS Izumo, is making an unprecedented journey through Asian waters over the next three months.
The Izumo is the largest vessel built by Japan since the end of World War Two - and she looks very much like an aircraft carrier. She has already participated in Singapore's first ever fleet review, an international naval gathering with fleets from Asia and beyond to demonstrate their power.
There is growing support in Japan for a more strident response to Chinese military assertiveness around Japanese waters and Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force has been increasingly active in the region.
It is all part of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's determination to loosen constitutional strictures over the role of Japan's self-defence forces.
The sea is where this is playing out right now.
Japanese navy officials are careful to describe the ship as a "helicopter destroyer" capable of carrying more than 20 helicopters from its expansive flight deck, and thus playing down any offensive capabilities forbidden under Japan's constitution.
Against the backdrop of China's narrative of suffering and humiliation at the hands of Japanese imperial forces during World War Two, the transit of the Izumo through the South China Sea is particularly sensitive for China, since Japan has been very vocal in its support of a ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration overwhelmingly against China's claims to a large expanse of the South China Sea and its features.
Japan's new military role
The widening of Japanese naval operations in the South China Sea and beyond is also a response to a more pressing concern for Japan: China's own relentless drive to dominate the waters around Japan.
Chinese critics of Japan's naval modernisation will point out that with a few minor adjustments, this ship could carry vertical take-off and landing fighter jets, including the F-35 stealth fighter.
For China, therefore, the Izumo and the latest additions to the JMSDF fleet are both a symbol of a new era of military expansionism under Prime Minister Abe's administration and a painful reminder of China's wartime suffering and the destruction wrought by Japan's powerful carrier fleet of World War Two.
For Japan's navy, however, impressive vessels such as the Izumo serve a dual purpose. They are both a symbol of the JMOD's desire to make a greater contribution to regional and international security and an example of Japan's contribution to its alliance with the United States.
This was shown recently when the Izumo escorted a US navy supply vessel in a joint manoeuvre not designated as a military exercise, under the auspices of a revised Article 9 of Japan's constitution, which outlaws war as a way to settle disputes.
Japan's defence industries, long fettered by Japan's pacifist constitution now feel emboldened to compete for defence contracts far from home.
Japan's new Kawasaki P-1 Maritime Patrol aircraft flew all the way to the Farnborough air show two years ago for a demonstration to the British MoD and last year, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries campaigned to supply a new generation of submarines for the Australian navy.
Territorial disputes over Senkaku
Japan's navy and coast guard in recent years have also been under increasing pressure to respond to China's campaign of incursions into Japan's territorial waters and frequent transits of vessels and aircraft through the numerous straits of the Japanese archipelago.
A focal point for such rivalry are
the disputed Senkaku islands, known as Diaoyu in Chinese. Until 2012 when the Japanese government purchased the islands from their private owners, Chinese maritime law enforcement vessels seldom intruded into Japanese territorial waters.
Chinese outrage at the purchase triggered sustained incursions into Japanese waters at up to three incursions per month.
Two years later the Japanese maritime agencies were alarmed to detect armaments on Chinese coast guard vessels and that Chinese navy frigates and destroyers were being transformed into white-hulled law enforcement vessels.
Recently such vessels have been increasing in size from 3 or 4,000 tonne to 10,000-tonne vessels.
While in 2012, Japanese and Chinese coast guard vessel numbers were roughly similar at 51 and 40 respectively, the Japanese government estimates that by 2019, the numbers will have swung hugely in favour of China at 135 vessels versus Japan's 65.
And there have been an increasing number of other concerning incidents for Japan in recent years.
Rising tensions
In June 2016 the Japanese destroyer Setogiri spotted a PLA Navy Jiangkai class frigate
entering the contiguous zone around the Senkakus at the same time as a group of Russian navy vessels transited the same waters. That same month, Chinese naval intelligence-gathering ships entered Japan's territorial sea near Kuchinerabujima and Yakushima islands for the first time and in the southern waters of the Senkaku islands.
One particularly unnerving episode for Japan began in early August 2016 when a China coast guard vessel
escorted 300 Chinese fishing vessels into waters around the Senkakus, and over four days a total of 15 coast guard ships repeatedly intruded into the waters, half of them armed.
The Japanese defence ministry suspects that many of the Chinese fishing vessels belonged to the maritime militia.
Meanwhile, the number of Japanese scrambles against Chinese aircraft around the East China Sea and towards the Senkakus has jumped dramatically, surpassing even the annual peak number of 994 during the Cold War.
Japanese fighter patrols have also encountered challenging behaviour by Chinese PLA Air Force pilots in a similar vein to the increasing number of dangerous encounters between US and Chinese aircraft over the East and South China Seas.
The final element to China's saturation of the East China Sea is its unilateral construction of 12 new gas platforms adjacent to the Japan-China geographical equidistance line in an area agreed as a joint development zone between the countries. It is concerned that radars deployed by China on some of the platforms could be used in support of military operations.
China's strategic vision
For Mr Abe, the Izumo is a military instrument which could be deployed under his recent proposal to change Japan's constitution to allow a more assertive Japanese defence posture.
The deployment of Japan's naval assets further afield and more diversely alongside those of the US also helps to answer Donald Trump's calls for more burden-sharing within the alliance.
But most importantly, the Japanese government sees a direct link between China's behaviour in the South and East China Seas.
Two years later the Japanese maritime agencies were alarmed to detect armaments on Chinese coast guard vessels and that Chinese navy frigates and destroyers were being transformed into white-hulled law enforcement vessels.
Recently such vessels have been increasing in size from 3 or 4,000 tonne to 10,000-tonne vessels.
While in 2012, Japanese and Chinese coast guard vessel numbers were roughly similar at 51 and 40 respectively, the Japanese government estimates that by 2019, the numbers will have swung hugely in favour of China at 135 vessels versus Japan's 65.
And there have been an increasing number of other concerning incidents for Japan in recent years.
Rising tensions
In June 2016 the Japanese destroyer Setogiri spotted a PLA Navy Jiangkai class frigate
entering the contiguous zone around the Senkakus at the same time as a group of Russian navy vessels transited the same waters. That same month, Chinese naval intelligence-gathering ships entered Japan's territorial sea near Kuchinerabujima and Yakushima islands for the first time and in the southern waters of the Senkaku islands.
One particularly unnerving episode for Japan began in early August 2016 when a China coast guard vessel
escorted 300 Chinese fishing vessels into waters around the Senkakus, and over four days a total of 15 coast guard ships repeatedly intruded into the waters, half of them armed.
The Japanese defence ministry suspects that many of the Chinese fishing vessels belonged to the maritime militia.
Meanwhile, the number of Japanese scrambles against Chinese aircraft around the East China Sea and towards the Senkakus has jumped dramatically, surpassing even the annual peak number of 994 during the Cold War.
Japanese fighter patrols have also encountered challenging behaviour by Chinese PLA Air Force pilots in a similar vein to the increasing number of dangerous encounters between US and Chinese aircraft over the East and South China Seas.
The final element to China's saturation of the East China Sea is its unilateral construction of 12 new gas platforms adjacent to the Japan-China geographical equidistance line in an area agreed as a joint development zone between the countries. It is concerned that radars deployed by China on some of the platforms could be used in support of military operations.
China's strategic vision
For Mr Abe, the Izumo is a military instrument which could be deployed under his recent proposal to change Japan's constitution to allow a more assertive Japanese defence posture.
The deployment of Japan's naval assets further afield and more diversely alongside those of the US also helps to answer Donald Trump's calls for more burden-sharing within the alliance.
But most importantly, the Japanese government sees a direct link between China's behaviour in the South and East China Seas.
The wider deployment and sustained presence of Japanese vessels throughout the region therefore underpins Shinzo Abe's consistent demands for China to abide by a "rules-based international order", which includes freedom of navigation through international waters.
However for China, the clamour for a rules-based order is simply camouflage for the perpetuation of a US regional hegemony and what the Chinese leadership describe as "outmoded Cold War thinking".
China has its own vision for regional security and a new geo-strategic plan accompanying it in the form of the the
'Belt and Road initiative', providing an alternative to US dominance in the region.
For China's new maritime Silk Road to succeed, it needs to secure its seas on its own terms but that means the potential for an unmanaged escalation between Japan and China increases substantially.
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-39918647