문재인은 누가 적군이고, 누가 아군인지의 구별도 못하는, 겉만 번드르한 인권 변호사의 전형으로 자리를 굳히고 있다. 그런데 문제는 지금은 인권변호사가 아닌, 대한민국의 대통령으로서 한다는 짖이 속은 텅비고, 겉만 번드르하게 김정은이를 세계 최대의 정직한 리더로 칭찬했다는점이다. 그렇게 칭찬해준 문재인에게 김정은과 Regime은 "삶은 소대가리"로 화답했는데.... 문재인은 헬렐레 헬렐레로 화답했다는데, 아마도 그말의 뜻을 문재인은 "최고의 칭찬을 나타내는 단어쯤으로 이해했었던 것으로 이해된다.
여기서 Time지가 그와 청와대에서 만나 인터뷰한 기사내용중에서 한구절만 인용해 옮겼다. 정말로 기가 막혀서, 한국의 언론은 좀 과장해서 표현한 면도 있었던것으로 알고 있지만.... 이구절은 그대로 옮겨 놨다. 그냥 지나칠려고 했는데, 너무도 뻔뻔한 전직 인권변호사의 거짖말 향연 때문에 한마디 보태고 싶었다.
Moon은 댓가를 톡톡히 치렀다. 그의 정치적 반대자들은, 전직 인권변호사였고, 한국의 군사정권을 비난하고 반대하다 학생신분으로 감옥생활까지했던 그가 세상에서 악질인 김(정은)을 추겨세웠다는데, 경악을 금치 못하고 있다. Moon은 김정은이가 그(Moon)에게 말하기를" 그는 그의 자녀들에게 더 좋은 장래를 보장해 주기를 원한다. 그리고 그의 자녀들만은 핵무기를 간직해야하는 큰 짐을 지워주고 싶지않다"라고 무덤덤하게 얘기 했다고 주장한다.
다시 김(정은)의 성격에 대해 물었는데, Moon이 발견한 김(정은)은 "매우 정직하고...매우 열정적이고, 결정하면 매우 강하게 밀어부치는 사람이며, 또한 현재 지구촌에서 어떤 일들이 진행되고 있는가에 잘 파악하고 있으며 이를 해결하기위한 좋은 생각을 소유한 자"임을 확인하게 됐었다고 강조했다. 그러나 우리는 그가 어떤 존재인가를 잊지않고, 기억하게 하기위함에서 다시 강조하는데, 이사람은 자기 고모부와 이복형을 살해한 살인범으로, 2014년 유엔에서 조사하여 발표한 바에 따르면, " 범죄행위의 주범으로, 인간몰살,고문,강간과 끝없이 이어지는 기근을 포함하여, 인간성을 말살한 냉혈한인 것이다. 라고 타임지는 기사를 썼다.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WQFZyoukQi0
더이상 언급하면, 문재인의 더러운 두얼굴을 또 보게 되는것 같은 느낌이 들어 여기서 접는다. 자세한 내용은 아래 원문 참고 하시면 좋을것 같다. 그가 책임지고 통치하는 대한민국 정부가 미디아 아티스트들에게 나누어 주는 국민혈세를, 문재인은 그의 똑똑한(?)아들에게 가장 많이 퍼주었던, 역사에 남을 대통령이 된것 기억하시라, 국민 여러분! 이번 검찰인사에서 울산시장부정선거, 월성 1호기 경제성 부정평가를 내려 조기 폐쇄를 지시했던 부정행위를 조사하던, 담당 검사들을 전부 좌천 치키고, 문재인 하수인들을 그자리에 승진 발령해서, 앞으로 검찰의 수사는 막을 내린것이다. 축하 축하 축하, 이제 문재인과 그패거리들 잠 편히 자게 생겼다. 만세.
광주건물 붕괴 사고에 대한 대통령의 진정어린 사과와, 처음 대통령 취임후 1개월도 안되 화재사고가 났을때 쏜살같이 뛰아가서 박근혜 정부를 저주하던식의 대국민 홍보했던때를 다시 상기해 보고, Time지 표지에 나왔어야 했다. 정말로 뻔뻔한, 철판을 깐 얼굴의 대통령 문재인 답다.
Moon Jae-in can still hear the roar today. South Korea’s President had been seated next to Kim Jong Un in Pyongyang’s May Day Stadium on Sept. 19, 2018, for the close of the Mass Games when North Korea’s leader beckoned him up to the dais. Beneath a vast collage calling for Korea to “unite the strength of the entire people,” Moon urged the 150,000-strong crowd to “hasten a future of common prosperity and reunification,” while revelers brandished white flags with powder blue outlines of a unified Korean Peninsula. For Moon, it was a transformative experience. The North Koreans’ “eyes and attitudes” showed that they “strongly aspire for peace,” he tells TIME. “I could see for myself that North Korea has completely changed … and is doing everything possible to develop.”
That speech was the first by a South Korean leader in North Korea and the high point of a long, often agonizing process of engagement that Moon had charted since his election in May 2017. Odds were strongly against him at the outset: Moon’s arrival into Seoul’s presidential Blue House was bookmarked by North Korean weapons tests, including three long-range intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and a purported hydrogen bomb, prompting then U.S. President Donald Trump to dispatch a U.S. Navy carrier group and threaten “little rocket man” with “fire and fury” in riposte. There had been no official dialogue between North and South since 2013, and caught between an irascible dictator and a geo-political neophyte, Moon feared the worst: “We were actually on the brink of war.”
Moon helped guide the world back from the abyss. Reconciliation kicked off with Kim agreeing to Moon’s invitation to send a delegation to the 2018 Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang. Soon after, Kim and Moon met at the Korean demilitarized zone that has separated its communist North from its capitalist South since an armistice effectively ended the 1950–53 Korean War. Over an 18-month period, diplomacy ramped up with astonishing speed: Kim held three summits with Moon, five with Chinese President Xi Jinping, one with Russian President Vladimir Putin and three with Trump. Kim even gifted Moon a pair of snow white Pungsan hunting dogs—Gomi and Songgang—to symbolize their flourishing accord. Following a historic summit with Kim in Singapore in 2018, the first between the leaders of these existential foes, Trump declared: “We fell in love.”
Get a print of TIME’s cover of Moon Jae-in here
Then things fell apart. A follow-up summit in Hanoi in February 2019 ended without progress. Key issues papered over by Trump in Singapore, like what vague terms like denuclearization actually meant, returned to the fore. Trump was fixated on the congressional testimony of his former lawyer Michael Cohen, taking place back in Washington. The U.S.–South Korea alliance was in trouble too, with Trump reportedly demanding a fivefold increase on the roughly $1 billion that Seoul contributes annually to hosting 28,500 U.S. troops. In June 2020, North Korea blew up a joint liaison office near the border town of Kaesong. Nine months later, it resumed solid-fuel, short-range missile tests. In January, Kim told the Workers’ Party congress that the U.S. was the “biggest obstacle for our revolution and our biggest enemy … no matter who is in power.”
Moon traveled to Washington in May to attempt to persuade the new occupant of the White House to re-energize a stalled peace process. South Korea elects a new President in March, and since Moon is ineligible to serve more than one term, he knows that time is running out to heal his riven homeland.
The divide has stayed much the same since the civil war: North Korea and China on one side; the U.S., South Korea and their allies on the other. Kim says he’s not giving up anything until there are unilateral concessions like relief from the U.N., U.S. and E.U. sanctions that restrict the export of coal, minerals, seafood and other cash-cow goods, which is a nonstarter for Joe Biden. The pandemic and deteriorating Sino-U.S. relations have complicated an already thorny picture. Biden has more urgent issues crowding his in tray: the pandemic, global warming and, crucially, China’s rise.
North Korea may not rank as urgent, but it is a truly grave peril. Although Trump triumphantly tweeted, “There is no longer a Nuclear Threat from North Korea,” in June 2018, he left office without a single warhead decommissioned. Best estimates are that Pyongyang has up to 60 nuclear weapons, as well as ICBMs and submarine launch missiles that could deliver them to any U.S. city. In February, it restarted parts of its main nuclear fuel production plant, and it is developing multiple warhead missiles to outfox U.S. defense systems. “It’s very dangerous,” says Sue Mi Terry, a former CIA senior analyst on Korea currently with the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “They’re making incredible progress.”
After the caprice of Trump, Moon hopes the more statesmanlike Biden can finish the job through slow, calibrated, practical headway. Moon, more than anyone, knows the scale of the challenge—but also that the fate of billions may hang in the balance. “I know that I don’t have much time myself,” Moon says. “The peace we have right now is a very fragile one; it can be shaken at any time.”
한국 외교관 출신인 장부승 일본 간사이외대 교수가 최근 문재인 대통령의 미국 시사주간지 ‘타임(TIME)’ 인터뷰를 청와대에서 대대적으로 홍보한 것과 관련, “사실상 고강도 비판 기사로, ‘문 대통령의 대북 정책이 총체적으로 실패했고 국내 다른 정책들마저도 성과를 거두지 못했다’는 내용”이라며 “정말 이래도 되는 건가? 얼굴이 진흙투성이가 됐는데도 ‘미국에서 유명하다는 잡지가 던진 진흙이야’ 하면서 자부심에 쩔어야 하는 건가”라고 비판했다.
장 교수는 2000~2015년 외교관 생활을 했고, 2014년 미 존스홉킨스대에서 국제관계학 박사 학위를 받은 뒤 스탠퍼드대 아시아태평양연구소와 랜드연구소 연구원 등을 지냈다.
앞서 청와대는 지난 24일 공식 홈페이지와 SNS(소셜미디어)에 문 대통령이 등장한 타임 표지 사진을 공개하며 “2017년 5월 이후 약 4년 2개월 만의 타임 인터뷰로, 표지엔 ‘마지막 제안’(Final Offer)이란 제목이 붙었다”고 홍보했다.
이와 관련, 장 교수는 25일 밤 페이스북에서 “내가 서훈 국가안보실장이나 정의용 외교장관이었다면 정말 이 기사를 읽고 고개를 들기가 어려웠을 것”이라며 “그런데 이걸 또 자랑이랍시고 청와대 홈페이지에 떡 하니 올려놓고 문 대통령 지지하는 사람들은 또 타임지라는 유명한 미국 잡지에 문 대통령 얼굴이 올라왔다고 자긍심에 가득하다”고 했다.
또 “G7 정상회의에 가서 막상 정상회의 내용에 대해선 이렇다 할 기여도 못한 채 그저 G7들과 같이 사진 찍고 왔다고 좋아라 하던 분들이 떠오른다”고도 했다.
그는 “이제 정신 좀 차렸으면 좋겠다”면서 “사진이, 상징이, 그 어떤 기호가 우리를 위대한 나라로 만들어주는 것이 아니다. 내용이 있고, 성과가 있어야 한다”고 했다.
장 교수는 앞서 “이번 주 타임지 표지에 문 대통령이 표지 인물로 나왔다. 청와대에서 이 표지 사진을 홈페이지에 올렸다. 자랑스러운가 보다. 그래서 한 번 내용을 읽어 봤다. 정말 놀랍다”며 주요 내용 일부 번역본을 공개했다.
There comes a moment when every leader turns to their legacy. For Moon, however, it has guided his every step long before he won his nation’s highest office. Moon’s parents and eldest sister fled North Korea on Dec. 23, 1950, aboard the S.S. Meredith Victory. This U.N. supply ship was designed for 12 passengers but carried 14,000 civilians to safety. The boat docked at South Korea’s Geoje Island, where Moon was born two years later. Today, the refugee camp his family called home has been turned into a memorial park; diorama displays surround rusting planes and tanks, an enormous concrete flyover looming overhead. The scars of this tumultuous background guided Moon into student activism, human-rights legal work and ultimately the Blue House, where TIME’s photographer found him in a jubilant mood on June 9, greeting all with smiles and fist bumps (This reporter joined by video chat.)
The summit with Moon was Biden’s second, after his meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga, spotlighting America’s renewed focus on East Asian alliances. A six-year deal on South Korea’s contribution to funding U.S. troops, for one, was inked less than seven weeks after Biden’s Inauguration. While Moon was vigilant in our interview not to criticize Trump, he was full of praise for Biden, whose “support for inter-Korean dialogue, engagement and cooperation” was plain, he says. “The world is welcoming America’s return,” Moon said following the summit. A joint statement agreed “to coordinate our approaches to the DPRK in lockstep.”
The statement’s use of North Korea’s official title, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and preferred phrasing of “denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula” are details that will please Pyongyang. Although Biden has reversed many of his predecessor’s foreign policy decisions, he endorsed the vague agreements from the Trump era as a bedrock for future talks. Biden appointed a special envoy on North Korea, veteran negotiator and former ambassador to South Korea Sung Kim. On June 13, North Korea’s state media quoted its Supreme Leader telling a Workers’ Party meeting to “get prepared for both dialogue and confrontation.” General Vincent K. Brooks, the former commander of the U.S. Forces Korea, says Pyongyang may spy a “window of opportunity” while there are “two progressive administrations, both in the U.S. and South Korea, which doesn’t happen that frequently.”
장 교수가 페이스북에 공개한 타임 인터뷰 일부 번역본엔 “많은 북한 전문가들에 따르면 문재인이 김정은을 그리도 강고히 옹호하는 것은 거의 망상에 가깝다” “더 큰 문제는 도대체 그렇게 해서 무슨 성과가 있었느냐 하는 점” “문 대통령은 북한과의 화해, 이제는 저물어 가는 자신의 정치적 유산에만 너무 골몰해 있다 보니 자기 자신을 권좌에 앉혀준 사람들로부터도 지지를 잃었다. 국내 지지율은 5월초 거의 35%까지 곤두박질 쳤다. 부동산 관련 부패 스캔들 때문” “서울의 아파트 평균 가격은 문 대통령 재임기간 59만불에서 106만불로 늘어났다”는 내용이 담겼다.
또 “그의 재임기간 성희롱이 전염병처럼 번져나가 고위공직자들이 줄줄이 자살했다” “코로나 바이러스를 통제하는 데 초기엔 성공했지만, 한국은 이제 백신 접종에서 심하게 늘어지고 있다. 6월 중순 현재 완전히 면역력을 확보한 사람은 전 인구의 6%에 불과하다” “4월에 문 대통령의 민주당은 한국에서 가장 큰 두 개 도시의 시장 선거에서 궤멸적 패배를 당했다” 등의 내용도 포함됐다.
장 교수는 이를 공개한 뒤 “여러분 어떤가. 이것이 칭찬인가, 비판인가”라며 “오랫동안 타임지를 읽어 왔지만, 독재자들에 대한 비판을 제외하고, 민주국가의 지도자, 게다가 미국의 가장 중요한 우방이자 동맹국 중 하나인 나라의 지도자 인터뷰 기사가 이런 식으로 나오는 것을 보니 매우 놀랍다”고 했다.
장 교수는 “이제 문재인 정부의 대북 협상은 완전히 실패했다. 이미지 조작으로 내용의 공허함을 분칠하는 것에도 한계가 있다”며 “앞으로 더 이상 실패하지 않으려면, 성공을 위한 반전을 이뤄내려면 이제 실패를 겸허하게 인정해야 한다. 바로 거기서 출발해야 한다. 그래야 조금이라도 앞으로 전진할 수 있는 여지가 생긴다”고 했다.
Moon has more reasons to hope for a breakthrough. Following Trump’s short-lived bromance with Kim, the bar for a meeting is lower and politically safer, given that few Republicans could mount a serious objection. COVID-19 has also spotlighted the irrelevance of sanctions. Consumed by paranoia about the rampaging virus, North Korea completely sequestered itself from the world, even turning down food aid. Foreign trade has plummeted 80% year on year—a self-inflicted shock worse than any time since the fall of the Soviet Union. Kim has repeatedly spoken about the need to economically develop, but regime security always comes first. “It is difficult to see how sanctions alone can bring North Korea to its knees,” says Cheong Seong-chang, senior fellow at the Sejong Institute, a Seoul think tank.
Moon’s pitch is that a continuous “cycle of denuclearization and sanctions relief” will eventually bring Pyongyang’s most deadly assets, like nuclear warheads and ICBMs, onto the table. But persuading the U.S. to abandon its best leverage will be a tall ask, given North Korea’s record of noncompliance. For negotiations to go straight to sanctions relief “would be a mistake,” says Brooks.
Pyongyang has signed five denuclearization agreements in the past but reneged on all. Kim has proved himself as adept at brinkmanship as his illustrious father and grandfather. In his latest annual threat assessment, the U.S. director of national intelligence said Kim “believes that over time he will gain international acceptance and respect as a nuclear power,” as Pakistan did.
Many other hurdles persist. Biden’s recently completed North Korea policy review can be best described as a “holding action,” says Terry. In the press conference following the summit, Biden played down a no-strings meeting with Kim so as not to provide him “international recognition as legitimate.” Apart from a dig at Trump, the clear implication that Kim is illegitimate is a problematic starting point for diplomacy. South Korea also removed limits on its missile development capabilities, which North Korea slammed as evidence of Washington’s “shameful double-dealing.”
Mixed messages aren’t so surprising. The common perception in Washington is that Biden is happy to support Moon’s efforts to restart North Korean negotiations, given that Kim is not picking up the phone. In exchange, Biden has secured Moon’s backing for multiple measures against his true focus: China. South Korean companies committed to invest nearly $40 billion in innovative technologies in the U.S.—such as semiconductors, AI, electric-vehicle batteries, 5G and 6G—that are vital for Biden’s ambitious plans to extricate sensitive supply chains from Beijing while building infrastructure to “win the future.”
Moon has also indicated willingness to engage more in the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Strategy and so-called Quad Plus security apparatus. In a joint statement, Moon even emphasized the importance of “peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait,” provoking the inevitable rebuke from Beijing. “The Biden Administration is far more concerned about what’s going on with China, and the diplomatic effort and energy they have is going to be focused on dealing with a serious threat from Beijing,” says Robert King, U.S. special envoy for North Korea human-rights issues from 2009 to 2017.
As ever, economic dependence means Beijing holds considerable sway over North Korea. In March, Xi sent a message to Kim that he would “continue to support a political solution of issues on the Korean Peninsula.”
The next month, he appointed Liu Xiaoming, former Chinese ambassador to the DPRK and the U.K., as a special envoy on Korean Peninsula affairs, a post that had been vacant for some two years. The posting, says Cheong, “underscores Beijing’s determination to mediate issues on the Korean Peninsula.”
Despite Beijing’s steadfast support for the Kim regime, Moon praises China’s adherence to U.N. sanctions and says it “is also on the same page when it comes to denuclearization.” But even if the two Koreas were to move closer together, their chief sponsors are still moving in opposite directions.
Moon has paid a high price of his own. His political opponents are aghast that a former human-rights lawyer, imprisoned as a student activist for opposing South Korea’s own military dictatorship, could buddy up to a man like Kim. Moon insists Kim somberly told him that “he wants to pass down a better future for his children, and that he did not want them to carry the burden of nuclear weapons.”
Asked about Kim’s character, Moon found him “very honest … very enthusiastic [and] one with strong determination” who has “a good idea of what is going on around the world.” But lest we forget, this is the same man who murdered his uncle and half brother in cold blood and, according to a landmark 2014 U.N. Commission of Inquiry, presides over “crimes against humanity” including extermination, torture, rape and causing prolonged starvation.
For many North Korea watchers, Moon’s steadfast defense of Kim is verging on delusional. Those Mass Games that he addressed in 2018, for one, have been condemned by human-rights groups for forced child labor. Desperate to maintain momentum, Moon has long urged for the easing of sanctions and explored workarounds, such as donations through the World Food Programme and a now nixed plan to exchange South Korean sugar for North Korean liquor. After Moon banned activists from sending propaganda balloons into the North, a bipartisan group of 13 former U.S. officials accused his government of “undermining North Korea’s human-rights movement” in an open letter. “There are people in senior positions in the U.S. government who think that what he’s doing is counterproductive and harmful in the long run,” says King. The question is no longer whether his own principles have been sacrificed in pursuit of reconciliation, but whether any success is rendered moot.
“President Moon would like a serious diplomatic win with North Korea before he leaves office,” says Sean O’Malley, a professor and political scientist at Dongseo University in Busan, South Korea. “Otherwise he will be viewed as a failed President. And I’m pretty sure he thinks so too.”
Moon is so invested in rapprochement and consumed by a waning legacy that he has lost support from those who put him in power in the first place. His domestic approval rating plummeted to just 35% in early May owing to scandals like a corrupt housing scheme—the average price of a modest apartment in Seoul has increased from $590,000 to $1.06 million over his term—while an epidemic of sexual harassment has led to a string of high-profile suicides.
And despite early success controlling the coronavirus, South Korea is now flagging badly on vaccinations, with only 6% of the population fully immunized by mid-June. In April, Moon’s Democratic Party suffered crushing defeats in the mayoral elections in South Korea’s two largest cities. “South Korean voters are focused on very internal issues,” says John Delury, a professor and East Asia expert at South Korea’s Yonsei University. “Moon himself is focused on North Korea.”
On that score too, Moon may be part of the problem. According to one formerly high-ranking North Korean defector based in Seoul, Kim felt utterly betrayed by Moon for siding with the U.S. after Hanoi, as well as by his purchase of 40 U.S. stealth fighter jets, and sees little point in negotiating with an administration on its last legs. After all, the denuclearization deal signed by Clinton in 2000 was effectively ripped up soon after, when Bush included North Korea in his “axis of evil.” Likewise, a 2007 joint declaration between South Korea and North Korea was walked back by incoming President Lee Myung-bak a year later. “There’s no chance of another summit with Kim Jong Un within Moon’s term,” the defector tells TIME. Moon, however, disagrees, saying that “constant dialogue and communication” with Kim have led to “mutual trust,” and suggests vaccine diplomacy as a means of bringing North Korea back to the table.
Certainly there are few original ideas on how to break this cycle: engagement, negotiation, provocation, estrangement, rapprochement. The next attempt, when it comes, will be clouded by the inevitable sigh of ennui. “There’s no real solution to this problem,” says Terry. “It’s been like this for over 30 years.” That might, after all, be Moon’s true legacy—the grim realization that if he couldn’t fix things, perhaps nobody can. —With reporting by Stephen Kim and Sangsuk Sylvia Kang/Seoul
https://www.chosun.com/politics/politics_general/2021/06/24/RGRASWXUPZHMXN6F5H5QXOK52Y/
https://www.chosun.com/politics/politics_general/2021/06/26/IQI5M6IKCZEXFGQ6OZNUUL3UDE/
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